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- By Jeffrey Howard
- 14 Nov 2025
These times showcase a quite unique situation: the inaugural US procession of the caretakers. They vary in their skills and characteristics, but they all possess the same mission – to stop an Israeli violation, or even demolition, of Gaza’s fragile peace agreement. Since the war ended, there have been few occasions without at least one of Donald Trump’s representatives on the territory. Only recently saw the arrival of a senior advisor, Steve Witkoff, JD Vance and Marco Rubio – all arriving to perform their roles.
Israel keeps them busy. In just a few days it initiated a wave of strikes in Gaza after the loss of two Israel Defense Forces (IDF) troops – resulting, as reported, in scores of Palestinian fatalities. A number of ministers called for a renewal of the conflict, and the Knesset approved a early decision to incorporate the occupied territories. The US response was somewhere ranging from “no” and “hell no.”
But in various respects, the US leadership seems more intent on upholding the existing, tense phase of the ceasefire than on advancing to the following: the rehabilitation of the Gaza Strip. Regarding this, it seems the United States may have ambitions but no concrete proposals.
For now, it remains unclear at what point the planned multinational administrative entity will actually take power, and the same is true for the proposed peacekeeping troops – or even the composition of its soldiers. On Tuesday, a US official said the US would not dictate the membership of the foreign force on the Israeli government. But if the prime minister's government continues to reject one alternative after another – as it did with the Ankara's offer lately – what follows? There is also the contrary issue: which party will decide whether the troops favoured by Israel are even interested in the mission?
The question of the timeframe it will need to demilitarize Hamas is similarly unclear. “The expectation in the government is that the multinational troops is intends to now assume responsibility in neutralizing the organization,” said Vance this week. “It’s going to take some time.” The former president further reinforced the uncertainty, saying in an discussion a few days ago that there is no “fixed” timeline for the group to disarm. So, hypothetically, the unknown elements of this not yet established international contingent could deploy to Gaza while Hamas militants continue to wield influence. Are they facing a governing body or a guerrilla movement? These represent only some of the concerns emerging. Some might wonder what the result will be for everyday residents as things stand, with the group persisting to focus on its own opponents and dissidents.
Recent events have afresh highlighted the gaps of local media coverage on the two sides of the Gazan frontier. Every outlet seeks to analyze each potential aspect of the group's breaches of the truce. And, in general, the fact that the organization has been stalling the repatriation of the remains of slain Israeli captives has monopolized the news.
By contrast, coverage of non-combatant fatalities in Gaza stemming from Israeli attacks has received minimal focus – if any. Consider the Israeli counter actions in the wake of a recent Rafah occurrence, in which a pair of military personnel were lost. While Gaza’s officials reported 44 casualties, Israeli news pundits questioned the “limited response,” which focused on solely installations.
That is typical. Over the previous few days, Gaza’s information bureau alleged Israeli forces of violating the truce with the group 47 times after the ceasefire came into effect, killing dozens of Palestinians and injuring another 143. The allegation seemed irrelevant to the majority of Israeli media outlets – it was simply ignored. This applied to information that eleven individuals of a Palestinian family were lost their lives by Israeli forces recently.
The rescue organization reported the group had been trying to go back to their home in the Zeitoun neighbourhood of the city when the vehicle they were in was attacked for allegedly going over the “yellow line” that demarcates areas under Israeli military command. That boundary is invisible to the ordinary view and appears solely on plans and in authoritative records – not always accessible to ordinary people in the region.
Even that occurrence barely rated a mention in Israeli media. One source mentioned it briefly on its website, quoting an Israeli military official who stated that after a suspect transport was identified, soldiers fired cautionary rounds towards it, “but the vehicle continued to move toward the forces in a fashion that posed an imminent danger to them. The troops shot to neutralize the danger, in line with the truce.” Zero injuries were reported.
Amid this framing, it is no surprise numerous Israeli citizens think Hamas alone is to at fault for violating the ceasefire. This view threatens fuelling appeals for a more aggressive stance in the region.
Sooner or later – possibly sooner than expected – it will no longer be adequate for all the president’s men to take on the role of kindergarten teachers, instructing Israel what to refrain from. They will {have to|need
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